As a result of the dynamic structure of society, there is a constant change in social life and researching the change is among the unit analysis of the field of sociology that takes society as a subject matter for itself. There are various ways to examine the change that has taken place in society. One of them is the implicit reference system thereby examining mindset structures. There are many factors such as economy, culture, and education which constitute mentalities and one (...) of them is religion. Religions because of their unique characters have an aspect to influence mentalities. From this point of view, the first issue in this article to be examined is the relationship between mentality-social change. Subsequently, insights will be given about mentality-religion relations, and lastly, an attempt to unearth the impact of religion-social change relations on mentalities will be made. For further clarification of all this process through an example, Sabri F. Ülgener's Zihniyet ve Din (Mentality and Religion) will be examined and Ülgener's views will be analyzed on the ground of religion-change relation. (shrink)

The economic mentality, which is a subfield of economic history studies, has been a little worked area on itself since Sabri F. Ülgener, except names such as Ahmet Tabakoğlu and Ahmet G. Sayar in economic history and history of economic thought area. This area, referred to as the Ottoman or Turkish economic mentality, was tried to be explained more by religion with M. Weber, W. Sombart and R.H. Tawney's influence. The explanation to be made here is based on (...) social culture. Social culture refers to language as Turkish, holistic and particularist culture. It is moved from Hüseyin R. Göktaş's Turkish as language and Murat Önderman's views on collectivist and particularist culture and social control while it is presented economic mentality of the "work" in Turkish and its projection on language. In the context of culture, the subject has been finalized with a proposal for a history period and a naming for Turks. (shrink)

Tefvîz meselesi ictihada başvurmaksızın ilkten hüküm koyma esasına dayanan girift bir meseledir. Şer’î ahkâmın kaynağı ya vahiy veya vahyin ışığında ictihaddır. Tefvîzde ise hüküm herhangi bir vahiy veya ictihada dayanmayıp, Allah tarafından daha önce verilen yetkiye dayanmaktadır. Tefvîzde ilkten ve re’sen bir hüküm koyma söz konusudur. Usulcüler arasında böyle bir yetkinin imkanı tartışılmış, mesele etrafında kabul ve red şeklinde temel iki görüş ortaya çıkmıştır. Bu ihtilafın temelinde hüsün ve kubuh etrafındaki kelamî tartışmaların önemli rol oynadığı anlaşılmaktadır. Tefvîzi kabul eden usulcüler (...) kendi içerisinde aklen cevaz verenler; hem aklen hem de fiilen mümkün görenler şeklinde ayrışmışlardır. Kabul eden usulcüler detayda da ihtilaf etmişler kimi usulcüler tefvîze peygamber, müctehid/âlim ve hatta âmmî bakımından cevaz verirken, kimisi sadece peygamber bakımından, kimisi hem peygamber hem de müctehidler bakımından cevazına hükmetmişlerdir. Çoğunluğu Mu‘tezile mensubu olan usulcüler ise ne aklen ne de fiilen gerçekleşmesini mümkün görmemişlerdir. Hem aklen hem de fiilen cevaz veren ve tefvîzi peygamber ve âlimlere teşmil eden usulcüler arasında Mu’tezilî âlim Müveys b. İmrân’ın adının ön plana çıktığı görülmektedir. İmam Şâfiî ve Şâfiî usulcüler de aynı grup içerisinde yer almış olmakla birlikte özellikle İmam Şâfiî’nin görüşü noktasında net bilgiler sunulamamıştır. Hem aklen hem de fiilen gerçekleştiğini kabul eden usulcüler görüşlerini aklî ve sem’î delillerle temellendirmeye çalışmışlardır Tefvîze cevaz veren usulcüler ayrıca tefvîzi şer’î hükmün kaynaklarından biri olarak kabul etmişlerdir. Tefvîze cevaz vermeyen ve çoğunluğunu fukahâ/Hanefî metoduna mensup alimlerin oluşturduğu usulcüler ise şer’î hüküm kaynaklarının vahiy ve ictihad olduğuna vurgu yaparak peygamber de olsa bunların dışında başka bir teşrî’ kaynağı bulunamayacağını iddia etmişler, onlar da iddiaların aklî ve naklî delillerle gerekçelendirmeye çalışmışlardır. Şîî usulcüler arasında tefvîzi temelden reddedenler olduğu gibi kabul ve red şeklinde sünnî usulcülerle benzer yaklaşımlar sergileyen alimler de bulunmaktadır. Bazı aşırı Şîa fırkaları arasında tekvînî tefvîz denen bir anlayış da bulunmaktadır. Bu anlayışa göre âlemin yaratılması, idare edilmesi, öldürme, diriltme, rızık verme, âhirette ceza ve mükâfat verme gibi hususlar Allah tarafından Hz. Peygamber, Hz. Ali ve imamlara havale edilmiştir. Fakat bu anlayış mutedil Şîa alimleri tarafından şiddetle reddedilerek bunu savunanların küfrüne hükmedilmiştir. Kimi usulcülerin ictihadla tefvîzi birbirine karıştırdıkları veya en azından tefvîzi de ictihad kapsamında gördükleri anlaşılmaktadır. Oysaki tefvîzin en temel özelliklerinden biri ictihada başvurmadan hüküm vermektir. Dolayısıyla böyle bir yaklaşım isabetli gözükmemektedir. (shrink)

In Spare the Rod, historian Campbell F. Scribner and philosopher Bryan R. Warnick think deeply about punishment and discipline practices in American schooling. To delve into this controversial subject, the authors carefully consider two major issues. The first involves questions of meaning. How have concepts of discipline and punishment in schools changed overtime? What purposes are they supposed to serve? And what can they tell us about our assumptions about education? The second issue involves the justification of punishment and discipline (...) in schools. Are public school educators ever justified in punishing or disciplining students? Are these things important for moral education? Or, are they fundamentally opposed to education? If some form of punishment is justified in schools, what ethical guidelines should direct its administration? The authors argue that as schools have grown increasingly bureaucratic over the past century, formalizing disciplinary systems and shifting from physical punishments to forms of spatial or structural punishment (such as suspension), school discipline has not only come to resemble the operation of prisons or policing but has grown increasingly integrated with those institutions. These changes, they argue, disregard the unique status of schools as spaces of moral growth and community oversight, and are incompatible with the developmental ethos of education. What we need is a view of discipline and punishment that fits with the sort of moral community that schools should be. (shrink)

IX. yüzyılda Horasan bölgesinde ortaya çıkan Melâmiyye, XXI. yüzyıla kadar varlığını sürdürmüştür. Hamdûn el-Kassâr’ın (ö. 884) temsil ettiği Melâmetiyye-i Kassâriyye, Hacı Bayram-ı Velî’nin (ö. 1430) halifesi Ömer Dede Sikkînî’nin (ö. 1475) temsil ettiği Melâmetiyye-i Bayramîyye ve Muhammed Nûrü’l-Arabî’nin (ö. 1888) temsil ettiği Melâmetiyye-i Nûriyye olarak 3 dönemde incelenmektedir. Melâmîliğin bu devrelerine dair akademik düzeyde çalışmalar yapılmış olsa da mûsikî yönüne dair çalışmaların çok az olduğu görülmüştür. Bu çalışmanın evreni Nûriyye Melâmîleri, örneklemi ise Nûriyye Melâmîlerine dair mûsikî ile ilgili çalışmaları kapsamaktadır. (...) Çalışmada Nûriyye Melâmîlerinin edebi ve sanatsal yönü araştırılmış, literatür taraması aşamasında Melâmî tekke ve derneklerinde icra edilen ilahilere güfte olarak kaynaklık eden Melâmî Efendilerine ait divanlar incelenmiştir. Çalışmamızın amacı Melâmî divanlarında yer alan ve ilahi formunda bestelenmiş güfteleri tespit etmek ve bu ilahilerin yaygınlığını belirlemektir. Nitel araştırma yöntemi kullandığımız çalışmamızda birincil veri kaynaklarını; Melâmîler tarafından bizzat kaleme alınan divanlar ve yine Melâmî ihvanı ile yapılan görüşmeler oluşturmaktadır. İkincil veri kaynaklarımız ise Melâmîlik hakkında yazılan tasavvuf kitapları, makaleler ve Melâmî derneklerinin resmi sayfalarında yer alan mevcut bilgilerdir. Tespit edilen divanlardaki bestelenmiş ilahiler için ise Melâmî Divanları, Devlet Nota Arşivi, Cüneyd Kosal Nota Arşivi, Divan Makam ve Notam v1.0 (Aytaç ERGEN) programı üzerinden taranmış, eşleşen ilahiler çalışmamıza dâhil edilmiştir. Nûriyye Melâmîlerine ait 14 adet divan incelenmiştir. Bu divanlar Abdurrahîm Fedâî, Ali Örfî, Ömer Lütfî, İştipli Hacı Salih Rıf’at, Abdulmâlik Hilmî, Hulûsi Maksud, Hüseyin Şemsi Ergüneş, Hasan Fehmi Tezdoğan, Üsküplü İsmail Hakkı, Hafız Ahmet Fethî, Hüseyin Sabri Soyyiğit, Ahmet Soyyiğit, Yaşar İhsan Gülver ve Dâvud Yılmaz’a ait divanın arasından 8 tanesinde yer alan 97 adet ilahinin notaya alındığı tespit edilmiştir. Verilerin değerlendirilmesi aşamasında; yapılan bu bestelerin hem Melâmî tekke ve meclislerinde hem de tekke dışında icra edildiği, bu bağlamda Nûriyye Melâmîlerinin edebi ve sanatsal yönünün tekke dışında da etkin olduğu görülmüştür. Araştırmanın sonucunda Abdurrahîm Fedâî Divanında yer alan 1’i nefes, 1’i deyiş (bu nefes ve deyişler ilahi formu altında listelenmiştir), 12’i ilahi olmak üzere toplam 14, Ömer Lütfî Divanında yer alan 1, Salih Rıf’at Divanında yer alan 2, Hasan Fehmi Tezdoğan Divanında yer alan 20, Üsküplü İsmail Hakkı’ya ait olduğunu tespit ettiğimiz 1, Ahmet Fethi Divanında yer alan 26, Ahmet Soyyiğit Divanındaki 21, Dâvud Yılmaz Divanındaki 12, toplamda 97 eserin ilahi formunda farklı bestekârlar tarafından bestelendiği tespit edilmiştir. (shrink)

Dervish lodges and cults were among the important elements of the Ottoman social life and in those times, they had spread to nearly all city centers, towns and villages. Dervish lodges served as non-formal educational institutions for people from all ages and all segments of the society. In addition to education, these structures also played important roles in political, economic, social and military life of the Ottoman Empire. In general, wise people and scholars contributed to the development and dissemination of (...) Islamic sciences in general, and specifically, mystic thought. As a matter of fact, it was determined that there were a great number of Dervish lodges that were founded or supported by shaykh al-Islam (the chief justice), kādī (judge), scholars and mudarrisīn (teachers) in the history of sufism. One of them was Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, which was founded in the 16th Century by Mehmed Vusuli Efendi, who belonged to the Ilmiya class (d. 998/1590). Until today no detailed studies have been conducted on lodges, which continued their existence until 1925. For this reason, this article will be the first study that deals with the dervish lodges in the light of archive sources. In this article, which was written to shed light on the course of our sufi cultural history, the prominent names, shaykhs and physical status of the Dervish lodges, especially Mehmed Vusuli Efendi, who was the founder of these lodges, will be dealt with.Summary: Our country, which hosts scientific moral centers like dervish lodges, school, madrasa and masjids, has a rich historical cultural treasure. As it is already known, the above-mentioned institutions had an important place in the life of Ottoman social life. Dervish lodges and madrassas were considered as science and wisdom centers because there is no distinction between zāhir (exterior) and bātin (interior) in our tradition. Under then-present conditions, the institutions that were needed most were supported. In this sense, the sultans and scholars cared about the dervish lodges, which were the places where sciences were studied contributing to the construction of these structures. One of these was Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, which was founded in the center of Eyupsultan by the Ottoman man of letter, poet and scholar, Mehmed Vusuli Efendi (d. 998/1590).Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge is located in the Debbaghane/Tabakhane (Tannery) district in the center of Eyupsultan. As Suleyman Çelebi stated, “the valiant ones worked in the Tannery”. For this reason, it is possible to say that there were tanners among the disciples and followers of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge.Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge was built by Mehmed Vusuli Efendi, who belonged to the scholar class in the Ottoman Empire. Mehmed Vusuli Efendi, who served as a professor in various madrasahs, served as a kādī in cities like Konya, Kutahya and Istanbul. Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was called “Mullah” because of his madrasah origin and “Çelebi” because of being a member of the scholar class. For this reason, dervish lodge in question was known as Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge in his honor. Sources mention the religious, knowledgeable and modest personality of Mehmed Vusuli Efendi. In this sense, the establishment of a dervish lodge by someone from the scholar class is important in terms of being a sign of the togetherness of dervish lodges and madrasahs in the Ottoman Empire. In addition to his scientific personality, Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was also an important figure who wrote works both as prose and as poetry, and made some translations into Turkish. In addition to the Dervish Lodges mentioned here, Mehmed Vusuli Efendi also established mosques and public baths in various places in Istanbul and was interested in charity works. Cemaleddin Server Revnakoglu stated that he was given the nickname “FındıklıÇelebi” because he had established a mosque in Fındıklı District.Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was the son-in-law of Aise Hubbi Hatun (d. 997/1589), who was one of the lady poets of the 16th century divan literature. Aise Hubbi Hatun was the granddaughter of Kanuni Sultan Suleyman’s foster brother Yahya Efendi from Beşiktaş. Aise Hubbi Hatun was also the wife of Semsi Çelebi, who was one of the grandchildren of Aksemseddin. In this sense, Aise Hubbi Hatun was a person who served in the palace during the reign of Selim II. According to the sources, Mullah Çelebi was appointed to a post that was as high as being the kādī of Istanbul with the help of Aise Hubbi Hatun, who was one of the prominent figures of the palace. For this reason, Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was also known as “Hubba/Hubbi Mullah”.In the present study of ours on Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, one of the most prominent lady poets was Serife Zubeyde Fitnat Hanım (d. 1194/1780). In the sources, some authors discussed whether Fitnat Hanım’s tomb was in Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge. Since there is no inscription on it, the tomb of Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was assumed to belong to Fitnat Hanım. Actually, in the past, Istanbul Tombs and Museums Directorate hung a plate saying that the tomb in question belonged to Fitnat Hanim. However, Bilgin Turnalı revealed that the tomb of Fitnat Hanım was not in the Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge in his article with the title “The Tomb of the Poet Fitnat Hanım”.The archive sources, which we can examine on Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, generally belong to the 18th century and onwards. For this reason, the information on the establishment years of the Dervish Lodge was not determined fully. However, some of the archive sources reported some revenues of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge. For example, it was recorded in the archives that payments were made to this Dervish Lodge in Muharramiya activities. As it is known, ceremonies were held in the Ottoman Palace in the month of Muharram, which was the initial month of the Hijri calendar, and a number of people and institutions in Istanbul and its surroundings were paid by the Sultan under the name of “Muharramiyya”.In Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, there were some prominent shaykhs like Mahmud Efendi and Nureddin Efendi. For example, since Mahmud Efendi had a lot of influence on the lodge, it was named after him for a period of time. Another prominent shaykh in the above-mentioned dervish lodge was Nureddin Efendi. As a matter of fact, he was closely interested in the maintenance and repair works of the dervish lodge and the activities related to the cults, and applied to Evkāf-i Humāyūn many times for repair works. Mehmed Esref Sabri Efendi, who was the shaykh before the last one in this dervish lodge, contributed to the training of many people of cult, especially Saadeddin Ceylan, who was the shaykh of Haki Baba Lodge. The last shaykh of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge was Hafiz Hussein Kamil Efendi, who was the son-in-law of Mehmed Esref Sabri Efendi.When the physical condition of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge is examined, it is understood that it was ruined in some periods in the history due to erosion; and for this reason, it had renovations. It was determined that Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, which belonged to the Kadiriyye cult, remained until the last period of the Ottoman Empire; however, after the closure of the dervish lodges in 1925, it disappeared rapidly. In our present day, two tombs that belong to Mehmed Vusuli Efendi and Aise Hubbi Hatun and a graveyard where the members of the lodge were buried are left behind from this Dervish Lodge. As it is known, Dervish Lodges had an important place in the religious, scientific, political and economic life of the Ottoman society. In this article, which was planned to examine the Ottoman sufi culture, the historical course of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, its founder, shaykhs, physical location, etc. were discussed in the light of the archive sources. (shrink)

In Morals By Agreement, David Gauthier concludes that under certain conditions it is rational for an agent to be disposed to choose in accordance with a fair cooperative scheme rather than to choose the course of action that maximizes his utility. This is only one of a number of important claims advanced in that book. In particular, he also propounds a distinctive view concerning what counts as a fair cooperative arrangement. The thesis concerning the rationality of adopting a cooperative disposition (...) is, however, logically independent of his substantive view of a fair cooperative scheme and is itself central to the project as a whole. Gauthier's concern is to establish that certain moral principles are those that fully rational, self-interested persons would agree to take as regulative of their dealings with one another – that a contractarian approach, in this sense, can provide an adequate basis for a theory of morality. (shrink)

In Practicing Safe Sects F. LeRon Shults provides scientific and philosophical resources for having “the talk” about religious reproduction: where do gods come from – and what are the costs of bearing them in our culturally pluralistic, ecologically fragile environment?

The starting-point of Plutarch's dialogue de communibus notitiis is a claim made by the Stoics that Providence sent Chrysippus to remove the confusion surrounding the ideas of ννοια and πρληψισ before the subtleties of Carneades were brought into play. Unfortunately our surviving information on the subject is so much less full than could be desired that it has again returned to an obscurity from which there are only two really detailed modern attempts to remove it. The one, by L. Stein (...) , is most unsatisfactory; the other, by A. Bonhöffer , though of the greatest value in many ways, is vitiated by the fact that it constructs a system from the use of the words by Epictetus and then attempts to attach this system to the old Stoa in the face of the evidence of the doxographers, which is emended or violently interpreted to suit Epictetus. Even if Epictetus were in general a good authority for the technicalities of Chrysippus—and in the opinion of H. von Arnim he is not— this would not be a sound method of procedure. The only safe way is to take first the statements which can be attached to the Old Stoa, and having obtained our results from these, to see whether Epictetus does in fact agree. (shrink)

This paper explores ethical debates associated with the UK COVID-19 contact tracing app that occurred in the public news media and broader public policy, and in doing so, takes ethics debate as an object for sociological study. The research question was: how did UK national newspaper news articles and grey literature frame the ethical issues about the app, and how did stakeholders associated with the development and/or governance of the app reflect on this? We examined the predominance of different ethical (...) issues in news articles and grey literature, and triangulated this using stakeholder interview data. Findings illustrate how news articles exceptionalised ethical debate around the app compared to the way they portrayed ethical issues relating to ‘manual’ contact tracing. They also narrowed the debate around specific privacy concerns. This was reflected in the grey literature, and interviewees perceived this to have emerged from a ‘privacy lobby’. We discuss the findings, and argue that this limited public ethics narrative masked broader ethical issues. (shrink)

If the contemporary rebirth of the ontological argument had its conception in Norman Malcolm's discovery of a second Anselmian argument it had its full-term delivery as a healthy philosophical progeny with Alvin Plantinga's sophisticated modal version presented in the tenth chapter of The Nature of Necessity. This latter argument has been the centre of a huge body of literature over the last fifteen years, and deservedly so. One is impressed that this version of Anselm's jewel is valid and sound if (...) any is. (shrink)

RésuméOn a beaucoup insisté ces derniers temps sur la nécessité pour la science et la philosophie de rester ouvertes, c'est‐à‐dire d'être prêtes à remettre en question leurs principes les mieux établis.L'auteur cherche à montrer, par un certain nombre d'exemples, que la tendance opposée est également légitime et garantit la cohérence de la connaissance.La méthode axiomatique, forme mathématique privilégiée de la connaissance dialectique, satisfait remarquablement à ces deux exigences. — F. F.

At last scholars are recognizing that the great generative architectonics of idealism’s account of self-consciousness would demand or imply, from a genealogical perspective, an unconscious. Yet, between Foucaultian inspired analyses of madness in Hegel, and Slavoj Zizek’s Lacanian readings of the unconscious in the work of F. W. J. Schelling, there has been essentially no mention of J. G. Fichte. As an attempt to redress this failure, I will begin to sketch Fichte’s own unique articulation of an unconscious (Unbewusst) by (...) highlighting three unique aspects or perspectives: (a) the idea of a pre-conscious, self-affective self; (b) the notion of the self-seeing eye; and (c) his own first hand involvement with dynamic psychiatry’s phenomena of magnetic rapport. This exposition of the unconscious in Fichte has two distinct ends. First, it stands as one of the first sustained expositions of the unconscious in the work of Fichte. This analysis which places Fichte’s work in the broader genealogy of dynamic psychiatry, however, also stands as a critique of the Freudian psychoanalytic model of the unconscious. (shrink)

Arthur Danto has made important contributions to both aesthetics and philosophy of history. Furthermore, as I shall try to show in this essay, his aesthetics is of great relevance to his philosophy of history, while his philosophy of history is of no less interest for his aesthetics.By focusing on the notions of representation, identity, and the identity of indiscernibles we shall discover how fruitful this cooperation of aesthetics and philosophy of history may be. Crucial to all historical writing and, hence, (...) to all philosophy of history, is the notion of identity through time and change. How could the historian write the history of x if x cannot be said to remain the same in the course of its history? It will become clear that aesthetics will provide us with a satisfactory solution for the problem, for the aestheticist notion of representation will enable us to define the notion of identity that the historian needs.Nevertheless, a certain friction can be observed between Danto's aesthetics and his philosophy of history. At the end of this essay I hope to show that Danto's philosophy of history will be our best guide to dealing adequately with this friction. (shrink)

Resumen: Esta investigación busca dar cuenta de los espacios que habitan los personajes del cuento Alegres, libres y ruidosas de Pedro Juan Gutiérrez. Mediante los detalles que nos entrega el narrador, revisaremos los “operadores tonales”, estableciendo los enunciados descriptivos y los detalles inherentes a ellos, en cuanto a la composición de los personajes, así como el tipo de espacio en que se realizan, construyendo una identidad transgresora bajo la perspectiva de la poética de lo soez. En este sentido, los personajes (...) serán “máquinas deseantes” que irrumpen en la realidad con un flujo sistemático de líquidos descompuestos que arrastran residuos políticos, éticos y estéticos presentes en la Cuba contemporánea. Así, podríamos hablar de un sexo eminentemente político que no se presenta denotativamente en el cuento sino en las metáforas construidas por aquellos operadores que fijan el “tono” del relato. Por último, postulamos que los detalles funcionan como “pistas” de una historia secreta que funciona bajo la historia visible que se narra en el cuento.: This research seeks to explain the spaces inhabited by characters from the story Alegres, libres y ruidosas by Pedro Juan Gutiérrez. Thoughout the details provided by the narrator, we will review “tone operators”, determining their descriptive and inherent statements, concerning characters, the space in which they are realized by building a transgressor identity under the view poetics of the vulgar. In this sense, the characters are "desiring machines" that burst into reality with a systematic flow of decomposed liquids that drag political, ethical and aesthetic residues present in contemporary Cuba. Thus, we could speak of an eminently political sex that does not occur denotatively in the story but in the metaphors constructed by those operators who fix the "tone" of the story. Finally, we postulate that the details function as "clues" of a secret story that works under the visible story told in the tale. (shrink)

Visão lógica e funcional da gramática latina; características de língua sintética; os nomes: radicais e desinências; modo e significado das formações nominais; o verbo: temas; características número-pessoais; características modo-temporais; significado e emprego das formas nominais do verbo latino. Sintaxe: recursos de linguagem do latim clássico; emprego e significado dos casos em frases de construções sintáticas diferentes da portuguesa; o largo emprego das orações reduzidas; concordâncias temporais; o emprego do subjuntivo na oração subordinada; possibilidades de tradução. Confronto entre o latim clássico (...) e o português: diferenças entre as construções de frases. (shrink)

Dominick T. Armentano 's book, Antitrust and Monopoly: Anatomy of a Policy Failure, 2nd ed., has serious limitations as a scholarly work. Monopolistic price?raising is even more objectionable under plausible interpretations of Armentano 's subjectivist criterion than in the standard case, which assumes equal subjective value for all consumers? dollar expenditures. Armentano 's historical review of leading antitrust cases is also faulty. His evidence on the alleged failure of price?fixing schemes is defective, and his approach to judging whether monopoly power (...) existed proceeds from an inappropriately static theory. (shrink)

Frank Jackson's criticisms have helped me recognize some of the weaknesses in my proposed vindication of induction. The core of the argument I offered was that induction is the only method of predicting which is based in a nonarbitrary way on the facts. I still believe that this is so and that because of this property induction is the only reasonable way of predicting. However I now recognize defects in the argument by which I attempted to establish that the uniqueness (...) of this property to induction constitutes its justification. (shrink)